In a statement that should have received more attention, Lebanon’s prime minister recently said that the country is ready to implement UN Security Council resolutions that would end Hezbollah as an armed force.

This reflects Israel’s success in its offensive against the Iran-backed group after a year in which it absorbed countless Hezbollah rocket attacks. The world should support this wholeheartedly, and help.

Instead, President Biden seems fixated on avoiding “escalation.” And President Emanuel Macron of France, whose country was the colonial master in Lebanon and thus should know better what goes on there, chose to hypocritically call for a cease-fire last week. These positions appear to have enormous public support, at least among younger people and on social media.

So the world needs to be reminded of a fundamental truth: Hezbollah is the enemy of Lebanon. Its defeat would be a huge favor to the Lebanese, and to a functioning world order. Whereas the Israeli-Palestinian conflict is complex overall and bears some moral ambiguity, Israel is completely in the right in its campaign against Hezbollah.

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UN Security Council Resolutions 1559 (of 2004) and 1701 (from 2006) explicitly demand the disarmament of Hezbollah (and other lesser militias) and call for Lebanon’s sovereignty to be restored. These were ignored as Hezbollah imposed its will on Lebanon and served as a proxy for Iranian interests in the region, most notably by launching attacks against Israel.

Lebanon, whose capital Beirut was once hailed as the “Paris of the Middle East,” devolved into a failed state as Hezbollah became the world’s strongest non-state army, overshadowing the Lebanese military through steady funding, weapons supply and training by Iran.

Lebanon has been saddled with about a million refugees — perhaps a sixth of the population — due to the war in Syria that the Shiite militia prolonged by fighting on the side of dictator Bashar al-Assad. Key relief funds have thus been held up by Saudi Arabia — again because of anger at Hezbollah’s power.

Hezbollah holds veto power within Lebanon. It has fostered political paralysis, as seen during Lebanon’s 29-month period without a president between 2014 and 2016 and again over the last two years. Its illicit activities, such as smuggling and money laundering, deepened a financial crisis, exacerbating inflation, currency devaluation and poverty.

In 2020, Lebanon’s GDP contracted by nearly 25 percent, and similar is expected this year because of the war created by Hezbollah — while its control over southern Lebanon and the Bekaa Valley stifles economic development in those regions.

Hezbollah claims to be a “resistance movement” but there is nothing to resist. Israel has no claims on Lebanon beyond protecting itself. Hezbollah’s real purpose is to provide Iran with a foothold on Israel’s northern border, ensuring that any Israeli action against Iran, such as a preemptive strike on its nuclear facilities, can be met with retaliation, whatever the cost to Lebanon.

In what may emerge as a major mistake, Hezbollah has been attacking Israel since Oct. 8 — the day after Hamas’ genocidal massacre of 1,200 Israelis, and before any Israeli retaliation. The past year of rocketing, shelling and drone attacks on Israel have created death and destruction and forced 60,000 Israelis from their homes. Much of Israel lives in fear of Hezbollah’s long-range guided missiles.

It is understandable for the world to fear a wider regional war, but there is no reasonable way to explain the lack of sympathy for Israel’s plight. The calls for Israel to essentially accept the situation represent a double-standard. No other country would accept such a situation, including the U.S. and France.

In recent weeks, Israel reached its limit. A robust military response featured assassinating key members of Hezbollah’s leadership including long-time leader Hassan Nasrallah, targeting its missile stockpiles and military infrastructure, and a ground operation against Hezbollah stockpiles and positions in south Lebanon. For the first time in years, Hezbollah is on its back foot.

That means Lebanon’s citizens see a glimmer of hope. Talk to any Lebanese expat in private, and you are very likely to hear it. That’s why a pivot point may be at hand: Caretaker Prime Minister Najib Mikati has expressed Lebanon’s readiness to implement UN Resolution 1701. While the practicality of this is still uncertain, his courage in making such a declaration is telling.

Lebanon’s experiment as a multi-ethnic, multi-religious state is teetering on the edge. If Israel is allowed to weaken Hezbollah enough, a new Lebanon, free of its malign influence, could reclaim its place as a relatively peaceful, culturally rich, and economically prosperous country. But this will only happen if Lebanon’s people and the international community act.

With Hezbollah significantly diminished, Lebanon has a rare opportunity to reform. The immediate priorities for the Lebanese government should include the appointment of a president and the initiation of a new political process that reduces sectarianism. A crucial element will be shifting Shiite political representation from Hezbollah to Amal, a more moderate Shiite political group with no dependence on Iran.

Lebanon will need major international support to rebuild its battered economy and infrastructure. This is where France and the European Union can play significant roles, in addition to Gulf Arab states. France’s longstanding historical connection to Lebanon could be instrumental in engineering reconstruction funds to help stabilize the country, and offering EU affiliation and encouragement.

The EU could also contribute by communicating to Iran in no uncertain terms that its influence in Lebanon and other countries in the region is no longer to be tolerated and will be punished. And so should the U.S. There are ways to rein in this brittle and malignant regime beyond sanctions. That they have not been tried is a reflection of Western weakness that will not prosper.

Much is said about how the presidential election next month will affect foreign policy — but other than on Ukraine — which Donald Trump will obviously abandon — there is fuzziness around the issue. Whoever wins should find the moral clarity to lay down the law with the tyrants of Tehran.

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